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Quote of the
month:
"If we were to wake up some morning and find that everyone was
the same race, creed and color, we would find some other cause for
prejudice by noon." -George Aiken
Further
readings:
The Trouble With Normal: Sex, Politics and the Ethics
of Queer Life, by Michael Warner.
Web
links:
Gays and lesbians in the military, a collection of
links.
 Massimo's Tales of the Rational: Essays About Nature and Science

Visit
Massimo's Skeptic & Humanist Web
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I never understood what the
“gay problem” is all about. As far as I am concerned, the moral
aspect is simple: as long as the people involved are consenting
adults, what they do in their bedrooms is only and exclusively their
own business, end of story. Alas, plenty of people who are otherwise
adamantly against any interference of the government in the private
life of its citizens (e.g., when it comes to business practice or
guns control), cry out loud for a government-imposed “morality” that
extends from the treatment of gays to that of abortion practices and
school prayer.
It was therefore no surprise that last November the US Army
dismissed nine of its linguists—all experts in crucial languages for
the “war” against terrorism, such as Arabic, Korean and Mandarin
Chinese —invoking that most unfortunate Clinton doctrine, the “don’t
ask don’t tell” policy that has regulated dismissal of gays from the
military over the past few years.
As readers may remember, President Clinton started out his first
term with a couple of bold moves, one of which was an executive
order that would have made it as normal for gays as it is (now) for
blacks to be in the army (the other bold move was the call for a
universal health care system, which ended in total catastrophe
despite Democratic control of both the House and Senate, but that’s
another story). Soon came immediate criticism from the far right,
coupled with the obvious fact that the gay community can’t muster
more than a limited number of votes which usually go to the
Democrats anyway (ah, the beauty of a two-party system with
essentially no choices!). The predictable result was that Clinton
“moderated” his stance and ended up proposing his infamous “don’t
ask don’t tell” compromise.
From a moral perspective, the new policy makes no sense: one
either thinks that a gay lifestyle is incompatible with the “values”
of the military, in which case allowing gays to stay just because
they don’t declare themselves is simple opportunism; or one thinks
that the sexual habits of one’s soldiers matter not to the
functionality of one’s army, in which case the policy is an example
of moral cowardice. Either way, Clinton, gays, and rationality lose,
while bigotry scores points.
From a practical viewpoint, furthermore, not only there is
absolutely no evidence that the presence of gays in the military has
any negative effect on troops morale (remember, the same was said of
blacks and women, before those issues were settled), but we have at
least one glaring example—the Netherlands—of an army which openly
embraces gay culture and doesn’t seem to be any worse for it.
But the more interesting point one can take from this and similar
discussions (e.g., those about abortion and school prayers) is that
the standard distinction between “liberals” and “conservatives” in
terms of being respectively in favor and against a large role of
government in our lives just doesn’t cut it. In reality, we need to
consider at least two major axes along which political positions and
public opinions can be distinguished: on the one hand, there is the
“economic” axis, on the other hand, the “social” axis.
One can call for little governmental interference in economic
matters while at the same time cry out for a large role of big
brother in people’s bedrooms and public schools. Such person would
be a religious conservative. But it is also possible to be a
libertarian and favor little or no government influence in any
sphere of life (except perhaps national defense). A third position
is occupied by people who would want a large role of government in
the control of the economy (to balance the natural tendency of big
business to act amorally and with reckless disregard for the public
good), but little in the sphere of personal life. That would be a
progressive liberal, such as myself. Then there is the strawman
“pink” liberal that most people in America seem to love to hate, the
guy who wishes for governmental control of everything,
communist-style. Needless to say, this fourth corner of our logical
space of political positions is essentially empty in this country
(though certainly not throughout the world).
Reality, of course, is more complicated that this simple
classification may hint at, but thinking along the two axes of
economy and social issues at least brings us beyond the simplistic
dichotomy of “liberal vs. conservative.” It also strongly suggests
that we should have at least three, and possibly four, parties to
represent the four corners sketched above. Instead, we are forced to
choose between two alternatives that don’t quite fit what a growing
number of Americans actually thinks. I therefore propose to split
the Republican party into one of economic conservatives but social
moderates, and one of economic and social conservatives (the latter
mostly populated by the Christian right). Democrats could split into
social and economic liberals on one hand, and social liberals but
economic conservatives on the other. But who is going to force such
healthy multiplication of political choices: the people, or the
government? |